I’m all for Never Trumpists supporting pro-democracy Democrats. But it reminds me a bit of the post-World War II former-Communists-turned-rightwingers whose pitch was: “I used to be a horrible person who was ready to lie, steal, kill, and commit all sorts of treason, so now that I’ve switched sides you should put particular trust in what I say because now I’m a total Good Guy.”
The imagined virtuous pre-Trump Republican Party was led in the 1950s by Dwight Eisenhower, who had some bad ideas of his own but who was a raving left-liberal in comparison to the Trumpified Republican Party of 2026. The liberal/conservative divides in those days cut across Republican and Democratic Party lines. But that hasn’t been true for a long time, though of course there are still some occasional crossovers – more often Democrats finking out to support Republicans’ conservative positions. For example, Joe Manchin and Kristen Sinema blocking Senate approval of the John L. Lewis Voting Rights Act in 2022.
But the heads of the Republican Party since Eisenhower have included segregation supporter Barry Goldwater, Dick Nixon, Gerald Ford who pardoned Dick Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Old Man Bush, Shrub Bush (with Dark Lord Dick Cheney in tow), and now Donald Trump. The road to Trumpism was paved by Watergate, the Nixon pardon, Reagan’s Iran-Contra caper (and the “October Surprise” deal with Iran in 1980, the “Gingrich Revolution” and the hysteria over the “Whitewater” pseudo-scandals.
Brynn Tannehill did a piece this week for The Bulwark that is basically a cheerleading pitch for the Ukrainians in the current war in the form of an all-you-Russians-bound-to-lose argument. The gist of her piece is this:
For years, casual and expert observers alike assumed that if one of the armies in Ukraine were to collapse—to suddenly lose the wherewithal to fight - it would be the Ukrainians. But now it seems more likely to be the Russians. And that’s no accident, as it appears the Ukrainians’ theory of victory is not that they will drive the Russians from their land in great, sweeping offensives like those of late 2022 but that they will break the Russian army’s back by attacking its logistics, its manpower, and its will to fight. [my emphasis] (2)It’s worth remembering what the concept of “will to fight” means in the military context. In polemics over a particular war, it’s often used to mean something like patriotic fervor or enthusiasm in cheering for the home team.
It actually means something more specific and more prosaic. At some point in every war, One or both sides decide that continuing the war is more costly than ending it. That is not usually an unconditional surrender like Germany in the Second World War. And usually not the complete collapse or disintegration of one side’s government. It’s one or both sides deciding it’s not worth in lives, treasure, and/or territory to keep on with the war.
Whether that’s a good or bad decision, or whether it was made through an adequate decision-making process, are different questions. And while subjective support and enthusiasm for the war is part of those decisions, the will to fight in war is about conscious cost-benefit decisions on both sides. It’s not primarily about team spirit or personal grit.
Tannehill offers as a grand historical lesson that “history teaches that as long as a country has the will to continue to fight, it will find a way to do so until it either loses the will or fighting becomes materially impossible.” Those lessons that History teaches, though, often require a good bit of reflection and inspection to see what they are, much less how to apply them. Those two elements she names there are also not two distinct things. If fighting becomes materially impossible, one side can decide to go Masada and commit suicide rather than surrender. But those cases are real outliers in actual wars.
She offers four historical lessons as boosting her outlook that Ukraine has the advantage in the war and that the Russians are more likely to go soft and lose the “will to fight.”
One example: The German Army in 1918. Her quickie summary is this:
Exhausted and demoralized German troops faced hordes of fresh Americans who brought the industrial and agricultural capacity of the United States with them. After four fruitless years of fighting in France, German troops began surrendering at the Battle of Amiens in August 1918, believing that the war was lost, and the quickest way to end it and live was to capitulate.This looks like a soft version of the infamous stab-in-the-back theory that wound up playing such a toxic role in the politics of Weimar Germany. The two main military leaders were Erich Ludendorrf and Paul von Hindenburg. They persuaded Kaiser Bill to flee Germany and hand the government over to the Social Democratic Party so they could make the SPD the scapegoats for their loss. The SPD leaders could have played their role more adroitly, but that’s a bigger story. Ludendorrf went on to participate Hitler’s failed 1923 “Beer Hall Putsch” in Munich. Hindenburg was elected as President of Germany and it was he who appointed Hitler as Chancellor in 1933.
The fact was that the German army and political leaders knew the war was lost and made a rational decision to surrender based on their military situation and prospects. How well the victorious allies handled the peace negotiations is a whole different story. But the surrender was not the result of treacherous commies wrecking the government as the stab-in-the-back theory framed it.
Second World War Burma Campaign
She uses the 1944 defeat of the Japanese army Burma (now Myanmar) as another example. This one seems an odd choice because her own description of it describes it as a defeat that different planning and execution by the Japanese Army might have averted. Not as a case where weak-willed, sissy leaders panicked and ran from a fight they could have won.
This was also a case in which Japan was fighting to retain its occupation of the British colony of Burma, not one that directly involved the Japanese homeland.
South Vietnamese Army in 1975
The United States was actively involved in the war of South Vietnam against the Communist government in the north. For ten years or more, depending on when you start the count. This was famously a situation in which the US won every battle and lost the war. Here she repeats the Republicans’ stab-in-the-back version of the war’s end for the US, which Henry Kissinger persuaded President Ford and the Republicans to set up. “Despite pleas from the South Vietnamese government, the United States refused to intervene. North Vietnamese troops retained the support of China and the Soviet Union.”
This is the concept of “will to fight” that Republican and neocon hawks favor. The folks at the fervently pro-war neocon think-tank, the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies (FDD) and likeminded hawks love the Munich Analogy, in which a feckless Neville Chamberlain had a testosterone contest with Adolf Hitler in their 1938 negotiations, and Chamberlain chickened out in the face of Hitler’s mighty macho presence. Sadly, this is the canonical version of the Munich story, which manages to miss pretty much everything important that made the Munich Agreement a bad deal. (3)
Another favorite testosterone tale is the one during the Cuban Missile Crisis at a critical moment when Secretary of State Dean Rusk said, “We’re eyeball-to-eyeball, and I think he other fellow just blinked.” That was a crisis that was resolved with creative and difficult diplomacy in the middle of a military standoff and dang near triggered a nuclear war between the US and the Soviet Union. It was not solved by a staring contest. And here the outcome was less a matter of the “will to fight” on either side buts rather of having the brains and the will to avoid a nuclear war. Fidel Castro was initially angry with the Soviet for pulling out the nuclear missiles, although he later conceded that it was a better outcome than what might have happened if it hadn’t been resolved in the way it was.
In the case of the Vietnam War, the Americans had the will to fight for years, even though it was a bad idea to enter the conflict directly in the way they did. In the end, after all those years of “winning,” they made the rational decision to stop stringing out their participation in a war they knew they had lost. (Neocon ideologues notwithstanding!) And the South Vietnamese leadership decided – whatever their testosterone levels - not to keep fighting in a war they were clearly losing and had no plausible path to avoiding that defeat. In the last sentence
Tannehill closing comment on Vietnam carefully concedes that the South Vietnamese regime never was able to convince its own people that it had the nationalist legitimacy that the regime in the North achieved – but she still blames the loss on wimpy, stab-in-the-back US Congressional Democrats.
Russian Army in 1917
The case she cites first of all is the strangest of her four examples. She kinda-sorta tries to make this another stab-in-the-back case, in this case the Bolsheviks being the backstabbers. In her account, Czar Nicholas was doing a bad job of running the war (which Imperial Germany had started), and so did the interim regime of Alexander Karensky. She says that the Kerensky Offensive of mid-1917, “Russian soldiers lost all faith and quit fighting en masse.”
But she (of course) blames Lenin’s new Communist government for this particular loss-of-will-to-fight. They agreed to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in December 1917, which surrendered “huge swaths of [Russia] land and people to the Germans and all but ending the war in the east.” Which is true.
But the new government then prosecuted the Civil War of 1918-20, which resulted in as many as 10 civilian lives lost in fighting and other side-effects of the war. The Civil War including fighting Ukraine, Poland and Czechoslovakians. There were also interventions by the Allies, including Britain, France, and the US, who wanted to force Russia back into the war against Germany – and were obviously not happy about having a Communist government in Russia. “As many as 10 million lives were lost as a result of the Russian Civil War.” (4)
The relevant point here is that Lenin’s government made big territorial concessions at Brest- Litovsk, not because of testosterone deficiencies in their leaders, but rather based on their assessment of what were the practical possibilities for keeping the revolutionary government in power and getting out of the war against Germany. The new Russian government pulled out of the Czarist government’s war based on a practical assessment of their military capabilities. But based on the experience of the Civil War, that was not because of psychological loss of their subjective “will to fight.”
Here is an hour-long documentary on the Russian Civil narrated by British military historian Antony Beevor provided by the Jerry Ford Presidential Foundation, so it’s safe to assume it’s not a leftie take on the situation. (See the cited Britannica article for a non-polemical version. (5)
Notes:
(1) Rubin, Jennifer (2019): A bulwark against Trump and Trumpism. Washington Post 01/08/2026. <https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/01/08/bulwark-against-trump-trumpianism/> (Accessed: 20026-10-06).
(2) Tannehill, Brynn (2026): What a Russian Army Collapse Might Look Like. The Bulwark 06/08/2026. <https://www.thebulwark.com/p/what-a-russian-army-collapse-might-look-like-ukraine-drones-logistics-war-ukraine-zelensky-putin> (Accessed: 2026-10-06).
(3) Jeffrey Record offers a very good, reality-based account in: The Specter of Munich: Reconsidering the Lessons of Appeasing Hitler (2007). Washington: Potomac Books.
(4) Britannica Editors (2026): Russian Civil War. Encyclopedia Britannica, 06/01/2026. <https://www.britannica.com/event/Russian-Civil-War> (Accessed:2026-11-06).
(5) Russia: Revolution and Civil War with Sir Antony Beevor. Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation YouTube channel 10/11/2026. <https://youtu.be/WbGz2x_v1ho?si=hF-CwNkQ9gKWhWgP> (Accessed:2026-11-06).


