He was also known for his timely engagement with political developments and become a critic of McCarthyism, the Vietnam War, and the repression of political dissent, especially since Nixon’s Presidency. That is, he was sharply critical of the illiberalism that led eventually to Trumpism. He retained an enthusiastic focus on the Enlightenment core of the American revolutionary tradition. But he also expanded the scope of his work over the years to give increasing focus to the role of minorities in the US.
The 1977 edition of one of his widely used histories, co-authored with Samuel Eliot Marison and William Leuchtenburg, reflects the greater emphasis on diverse history that continued to development. A 1976 book of which he was the main editor, The West: An Illustrated History, also reflects this broader view. Although the title of the chapter on the Native Americans was “The Indian Tragedy,” which reflects the liberal view of US Indian policy as an inevitable result of the clash of an advanced American civilization with a less developed one whose technology and strategies had to inevitably give way to the more “backward” one.
But Commager’s view of the democratic-Enlightenment tradition as being central to the American Revolution and to the democratic constitutional order still provides important critical insights to understanding the American Revolution in both a historical and sentimental sense. Lydialyle Gibson describes his late view this way:
... Commager asserted his thesis:A 1975 collection of his essay on topical political controversies including the Vietnam War was called The Defeat of America: Presidential Power and the National Character. It contains this description of American nationalism of the Revolutionary era and the ensuring early years of nation-building (of itself, not of various other countries around the world):
Americans of the late 18th and early 19th centuries took the Enlightenment principles that Europe had envisioned and “tentatively” experimented with - principles such as religious and intellectual freedom, constitutional order, commitment to reason, progress, humanitarianism - and “wrote them into law, crystallized them into institutions, and put them to work. That, as much as the winning of independence and the creation of the nation,” he wrote, “was the American Revolution.” …
In the 1930s, Commager defended Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal, and he was an early advocate for American involvement in the Second World War. He supported John F. Kennedy for president in 1960 and Robert Kennedy in 1968. He warned against sending US troops to Indochina and called the Vietnam War a moral catastrophe. In April 1967, when Martin Luther King Jr. delivered his searing condemnation of the Vietnam War to an overflow crowd at New York’s Riverside Church, Commager stood beside him on the dais. [emphasis in original] (1)
Culturally as well as socially the American asserted that he was a "new man." No sooner had the Declaration separated America from Britain than Americans threw themselves, almost convulsively, into the task of creating, or vindicating, an American culture. As Thomas Paine wrote, "A new era for politics is struck, a new method of thinking hath arisen." Now there were to be an American culture, an American language, American philosophy, American law, American arts and letters. "America is an independent empire," wrote young Noah Webster [1758-1843], "and ought to assume a national character," and he urged his fellow-countrymen to "unshackle your minds and act like independent beings." [emphasis in original]And he observes, “soon Jefferson had substituted the decimal system for pounds, shillings and pence.” Okay, a distinctive currency is something obvious. But it may not have been Jefferson’s best idea to flush the metric system of physical measurements!
Those observations come in a chapter titled, “Myths and Realities in American Foreign Policy”, originally from 1968, a year that became its own kind of mythical image. That essay expresses a very critical perspective on the contradictory nature of two broad assumptions of American patriotism and nationalism.:
First is the assumption, or the myth, of American uniqueness - a myth which justified and encouraged the habit of isolation. Second is the assumption of the political, social and moral superiority of America - a myth which rationalized Manifest Destiny, mission, imperialism and, in our own time, the imposition on the rest of the world of something that can be called, without stretching analogies too far, a Pax Americana. [my emphasis in bold]We hear these assumptions still, not only in jingoistic posturing but in the standard politicians’ line that “America is the greatest country in the world.” One of an endless number of examples was Michelle Obama at the 2016 Democratic National Convention in a speech for Hillary Clinton: “’Don’t let anyone ever tell you that this country is not great, that somehow we need to make it great again,’ she said. ‘Because this right now is the greatest country on Earth’.”
In a contemporary review of Commager’s The American Mind, Marian Irish said of him, “As an American he believes this is ‘the best of all countries’ but he is doubtful that this is ‘the best of all times’.” (2)
This is a recording of Commager from 1955 talking about the importance of the American tradition of freedom of speech and the press with some comments on how he looks at the position of the US in the world of that time. With 2 ½ minutes of advertisement at the end. (3)
Notes:
(1) Gibson, Lydialyle (2017): All American. University of Chicago Magazine Spring 2017, 52-57. <https://mag.uchicago.edu/sites/default/files/issues/UChicagoMag_1705-2017_Spring.pdf> Also: <https://medium.com/the-university-of-chicago-magazine/all-american-f7f6631a8e54>
(2) Irish, Marian (1951): American Political Science Review 45:1, 284. <https://doi.org/10.2307/1950915>
(3) Longines Chronoscope with Henry Steele Commager. PublicResourceOrg YouTube channel 04/05/2011. <https://youtu.be/yH1-6eHGmBA?si=WFgoRGAPDfLAGIdx> (Accessed: 2026-14-05).





