Still, such discussions are a part of the academic enterprise, even if they induce more than their share of involuntary eyerolling.
I’m bringing this up because I just came across a reference to a political science paper from 1970 by Giovanni Sartori of the University of Florence. It has to do with comparing historical and political phenomena across time and among different countries. (1)
Sartori (1924-2017) was a leading Italian political scientist who was well known for his work in comparative politics. We have been hearing a lot in recent about comparative politics in discussing democratic and authoritarian regimes and how democracies die. The best-known prototype for that process is, of course, how Hitler and the Nazis established their Third Reich by destroying the democratic constitutional order of the Weimar Republic.
But political science and politics are not physics or chemistry, even though “chemistry” plays a big role in politics. Classifications of regime types is a well-known political science practice. But it is not as straightforward as distinguishing between iron and gold, or between protons and neutrons. And, as physical scientists are very aware, even such physical classifications are not as precise as many people might imagine. The famous physics question of whether a proton is a wave or a particle is a reminder.
The V-Dem Institute produces a classification of regime types that is widely used by academics and journalists that rates nations into four categories: liberal democracies, electoral democracies, electoral autocracies, and closed autocracies. In their 2025 report, the USA counts as a liberal democracy, the UK as an electoral democracy, Hungary, Russia and Ukraine as electoral autocracies, China and North Korea as closed autocracies. (2)
During the Cold War, there was a dominant narrative in the US and other Western countries of a division between the Free World and the Communist World. Or at least between the Free World and everybody else. The definition of the Free World was, uh, generous. It included Suharto’s Indonesia, the military dictatorship in Brazil (1964-1985), and Pinochet’s Chile, among others for whom that designation was questionable. Certainly not every “Free World” nation would qualify for today’s V-Dem rating of “liberal democracy.”
The Cold War designations were successors of the Second World War classifications in which the alliance of the US, Britain, the USSR, and China was formerly called the United Nations, though it is normally referred to as “the Allies,” as it was also during the war. The other side was called the Axis, or the Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis, although their formal alliance was called the Tripartite Pact. Soon after the war, the term “totalitarianism” became fashionable in the West as a way to refer to commonalities between fascism and Communism. The term “authoritarianism” was established in political science by the famous postwar Studies in Prejudice project lead by Max Horheimer, previously the director of the Institute for Social Research, better known as the Frankfurt School. They used the world “authoritarianism” as basically a synonym for fascism. These days the term is commonly used to refer to countries that V-Dem would presumably call electoral autocracies and closed autocracies.
But the lumping of fascism and Communism together was always problematic at a theoretical and practical level. One could argue that both were dictatorships and therefore essentially the same. We call also argue that all the countries in the world have governments, so they are all also basically the same. Both arguments are about equally meaningful, aka, not much help.
Fascism and Communism in the early half of the 20th century considered each other as diametrical opposites. But they did come out of very different traditions, fascism being a lineal successor to the antidemocracy trends of the 19th century espoused by theorists like Franz von Baader, Juan Donnsos Cortés, Thomas Carlyle, and Friedrich Schelling (in his later work).
Democracy, Fascism, Socialism
Socialism, aka, social democracy grew out of the radical democratic tradition of the French Revolution and utopian projects like those of Charles Fourier, Robert Owen and Senri de Saint-Simon. The famous 1848 pamphlet from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The Communist Manifesto, had very limited circulation during the 1848 democratic and national revolutions in Europe. And the broad trend of which Marxism was a part was known aas social democracy and socialism. Politics being what it is, there were numerous variations on what the correct doctrine of that movement should be. But 19th century social democracy was generally focused on creating parliamentary republics. And the leading advocates in Europe for what V-Dem today would classify as liberal democracy were the Social Democratic parties, including the Labour Party in Britain.
The political philosopher Aurel Kolnai (1900-1973) wrote a book while living in Austria called The War Against the West which was published first in English in 1938, though he had finished it before 1938 and the annexation of Austria by Germany. The book’s focus was analyzing the political content of Nazi political statements and propaganda positions directly s based on their own speeches and publications. One of the features he elaborates is that the centrality of Nazi hostility to Communism was justified theoretically by describing it as the inevitable product of democracy.
The Communist doctrine promoted by the USSR in those days saw fascism as something distinct from Communism and also from liberal democracy. The Soviet-led Communist International officially defined fascism in 1935 as “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital,” based on the Italian and German versions of that time. (The year 1935 was the turning point at which Germany became the senior partner in their cooperation with Fascist Italy.)
Marxist theory generally saw parliamentary democracy as a particular form of rule by the capitalist class, one that did offer genuine freedom and influence to the larger population but still subject to major limitations imposed by the capitalist economic system and class structure. The social-democratic version of this vision assumed that the governmental form of socialism would be a parliamentary democracy.
There have been literally millions of pages written since 1848, including many analyses and polemics about where a full socialist or communist society would have a “state” in the sense of states in capitalist countries at all.
To add an additional wrinkle, Hitler’s Nazi Party was modeled on Mussolini’s Fascist Party. But the shortened of “Nazi” was used for the NSDAP, which stood for National Socialist German Workers Party. Hitler had added the word “Socialist” to the name in the early 1920s because the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Communist Party were the leading parties for urban working-class voters and he hoped sticking “Socialist” in the name would help attract some of them. That wasn’t particularly successful, and German politics up until 1933 was marked by bitter hostility between the Nazis on the one hand and the Socialists and Communists on the other. But this hasn’t stopped today’s Trumpistas in the US from saying, “The Nazis had ‘socialist’ in their name so they were leftwingers like you, libtards, not us rightwingers!” In any contest for the Dumbest Trope In Politics, this has to rank very high on the list.
But to sum up: Nazism and other forms of fascism were and are explicitly anti-democracy. Just as much so as billionaire techlord Peter Thiel, who declared already back in 2009, “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.” (2) Thiel dated democracy’s fall from capitalist grace, moaning, “The 1920s were the last decade in American history during which one could be genuinely optimistic about politics.” As a good “libertarian,” his mighty mind perceived that the problems were wimmin and welfare loafers: “Since 1920, the vast increase in welfare beneficiaries and the extension of the franchise to women — two constituencies that are notoriously tough for libertarians — have rendered the notion of ‘capitalist democracy’ into an oxymoron.” Wimmin and minorities just spoil everything, now don’t they?!
There really is, to put it politely, a contradiction between capitalism and democracy. The malign influence of anti-democracy billionaires like Thiel himself is dramatic proof of that. But the notion that freedom is identical with capitalism is dystopian. The classical socialists wanted to democratize the economy via democratic government taking ownership and/or effective control over major industries and financial institutions, aka, the “means of production.”
After the Communists came to power in Russia in 1917 and what had been the Russian Empire became the Soviet Union, the abolished competitive elections with two or more political parties. This pattern was also followed in the People’s Republic of China, North Korea, and the People’s Republics in eastern Europe including Yugoslavia. They did not function as liberal democracies, though their ideologies argued they were practicing a higher form of democracy. In other words, they formally claimed to be part of the democratic tradition.
It’s notable in this regard that Mikail Gorbachev, the last leader of the Soviet Union who considered himself a Communist up until his death in 2022, had made a major move to establish contested elections along social-democratic lines in his last years in power.
Comparison of today’s authoritarian systems to earlier ones
Which brings us back to the challenge that Giovanni Sartori was addressing in 1970, comparing types of regimes. In making such comparisons, we have to get along without the mathematical certainties of physical science. As he put it, “My sympathy goes, instead, to the ‘conscious thinker,’ the man who realizes the limitations of not having a thermometer and still manages to say a great deal simply by saying hot and cold, warmer and cooler.” And he notes that “the pre-1950 vocabulary of politics was not devised for worldwide, cross-area travelling.” (His essay also addresses the challenges for political science in trying to be scientifically neutral and value-free, very much a contested concept in the field at the time.)
The point that Sartori was making in at some length in academic language is that it is valuable and necessary to look at meaningful similarities in political processes in various countries over time to come up with meaningful insights about similarities in political processes across different countries. To use the V-Dem terms of today, we can meaningfully compare political concepts, structures, and processes between, say, the United States and Great Britain even though one is a kingdom with a hereditary monarchy as the head of state of a parliamentary democracy and the other is not.
Using computer statistical analysis to process quantitative data was in a comparative stone-age in 1970, when it really did take a whole room, maybe a fairly big room, to get the kind of computing power and speed that we hold in our hands with today with our smart phones. What Sartori was stressing is a problem that persists, which is that to use quantitative data to better understand political phenomena requires having a meaningful conceptual framework in which to understand the results of statistical analysis. It’s an everyday matter in politics to discuss what observed and measured empirical trends mean. For instance, we know that in the 2024 Presidential elections a higher percentage of Latino voters shifted to vote for Trump. And that today the polls and some scattered election results indicate that Latino votes are shifting away from Trump. But, despite the confident interpretations of the data that political consultants are inclined to give to their clients when designing campaign messages and strategies require applying some kind of conceptual framework and classification to the raw empirical data.
Sartori quotes the economist Joseph Spengler: "[T]he introduction of quantitative methods in economics did not result in striking discoveries" To which Sartori expands: “While formal economic theory is by now highly isomorphic with algebra, mathematical economics has added little to the predictive power of the discipline and one often has the impression that we are employing guns to kill mosquitos.”
When it comes to comparing types of political regimes, or comparing past regimes to current ones, there is no quantitative measure that will give us the kind of definitive answer we might expect in a chemical analysis or a medical diagnosis. But when today we see far-right parties take Viktor Orban’s regime as a model for an authoritarian government, that doesn’t mean that they all want to adopt Hungarian as their own national languages. But we can still make meaningful comparisons between, say, Vladimir Putin’s methods of controlling wealthy oligarchs by means of bribery and threat and the occasional accident of unfavored oligarchs falling out of high windows and Orban’s approach which doesn’t so prominently feature oligarchical suicides.
Put another way, two people having an identical height doesn’t tell us whether one is a man and the other is a woman. Just as two people being identical twins doesn’t mean that both are the same height. (I’m fond of that last example because when I met two identical twins for the first time when I was five years old or so, the only way I could tell them apart was that one was slightly taller than the other.)
Sartori makes this comment which is very important in approaching classifications and comparisons of political systems:
While classifying must abide by logical rules, logic has nothing to do with the usefulness of a classificatory system. Botanists, mineralogists and zoologists have not created their taxonomical trees as a matter of mere logical unfolding; that is, they have not imposed their "classes" upon their animals, any more than their animals (flowers or minerals) have imposed themselves upon their classifiers.
Bottom line: Yes, it’s perfectly valid to compare Trump’s Gestapo to its German and Italian models.
Here’s an entirely appropriate case of classification of a particular political phenomena: (4)
Notes:
(1) Sartori, Giovanni (1970): Concept Misinformation in Compartive Politics. American Political Science Science Review 64:4. <https://www.la.utexas.edu/users/chenry/core/Course%20Materials/Sartori/0.pdf>
(2) V-Dem Institute Democracy Report 2025, 14. <https://www.v-dem.net/documents/61/v-dem-dr__2025_lowres_v2.pdf>
(3) Thiel, Peter (2009): The Education of a Libertarian. Cato Unbound 04/13/2009. <https://www.cato-unbound.org/2009/04/13/peter-thiel/education-libertarian/> (Accessed : 2026-10-02).
(4) The F-Word | Folk Protest Song Against Trump, MAGA, and Fascism. The Resistance YouTube channel 09/20/2025.


