The US-Israel War on Iran that began in February a major military attack on Iran is now a big mess. And it’s spreading.
Pape’s analysis of this situation is always worth hearing because he’s an actual expert on war with Iran. I do have big reservations about the analogy with which he opens this segment and continues later, which is the analogy he makes to the beginning of the First World War. One of the biggest problems the US brought upon itself during the Cold War was the heavy but often careless application of historical analogies. To this day, the US can’t have any foreign policy confrontation without pundits and policymakers invoking the Munich Analogy. It is understandably said of the US neoconservatives in particular that for them, it’s always 1938 and Hitler is always on the verge of seizing the Sudetenland. Jeffrey Record is one of the military scholars who has warned that careless analogical approaches can lead to serious threat inflation and bad policy responses – and has done so repeatedly. (2)
Beware the World War I analogies
Obviously, it’s important to learn lessons from actual wars! And the miscalculations the various sides made in the lead-up to the First World War were serious. But even today, the origins of the First World War are still very much disputed to this day. There’s the “sleepwalker” thesis that the European powers stumbled into a war without really meaning to. And there was certainly stumbling in the leaders’ decision-making!
John Kenneth Galbraith once put the stumbling of those prewar days into a particular framework:
People of privilege will always risk their complete destruction rather than surrender any material part of their advantage. intellectual myopia, often called stupidity, is no doubt a reason. But the privileged feel also that their privileges, however egregious they may seem to others, are a solemn, basic, God-given right. …Galbraith narrated his view of the beginning of the war in a television series of the same name: (4)
There was a final consideration [on the beginning of the First World War], one that it is always thought a trifle pretentious to stress. Rulers in Germany and Eastern Europe, generals in all countries, held their jobs by right of family and tradition. If inheritance qualifies one for office, intelligence cannot be a requirement. Nor is its absence likely to be a disqualification. On the contrary, intelligence is a threat to those who do not possess it, and there is a strong case, therefore, for excluding those who do possess it. This was the tendency in 1914. In consequence, both the rulers and the generals in World War I were singularly brainless men.
None was capable of thought on what war would mean for his class - for the social order that was so greatly in his favor. There bad always been wars. Rulers had been obliterated. The ruling classes had always survived. To the extent that there was thought on the social consequences of war, this was what was believed. [emphasis added] (3)
Something like the stupidity problem Galbraith discussed is also part of the current Iran War. The great European powers in 1914 were at least capable of conducting sophisticated diplomacy, even if they ultimately failed miserably in their aims. But Donald Trump has shown very little ability as President to manage complicated diplomatic challenges like those with the Iran War and the Russia-Ukraine War. Settling either of those with something like a stable peace would require very difficult and elaborate diplomacy, for which Trump has show little ability in either his first or second terms.
But neither carelessness nor stupidity adequately explain the beginning of that war. German historian Fritz Fischer in his 1961 book Griff nach der Weltmacht: Die Kriegzielpolitik des kaiserlichen Deutschland 1914–1918 (English title: Germany’s Aims in the First World War) argued what became known as the “Fischer Thesis,” which stressed the responsibility of the German leadership for the beginning of the war. It’s clear that after the assassination of Crown Prince Franz Ferdinand in Sarajevo, Kaiser Bill’s government in Germany pushed the Austro-Hungarian Emperor Franz Joseph to declare war on Serbia, which triggered the network of alliances that the European powers had set up in the previous decades to undertake a mass disaster of the war. As Galbraith put it:
In 1914, all the continental powers had immensely detailed mobilization plans - plans for getting troops into uniform and to the frontier. Once started, this mobilization had a further momentum of its own; the act of mobilization signified an intention to fight. And, given the importance of territory, it naturally signaled a preference (and thus an intention) for fighting on someone else's land. Better, if you were the other party, to mobilize, strike first and fight beyond your frontiers. Mobilization in 1914 did not, as is sometimes suggested, make war inevitable. It did provoke the atmosphere of fear and crisis in which rational decision was even less probable. [emphasis added]But 1914 was a long time ago. There is no Austro-Hungarian Empire anymore, no Austrian Crown Prince to be assassinated. Although the current Iran War began with a “decapitation strike” which killed the Iranian Supreme leader and several other senior members of the government. But using easy analogies is a risky approach to foreign policy. Galbraith also noted that the European rulers in 1914 still were heavily influenced by the longtime fixation on war for territory as being critical, as opposed to warfare aimed at destroying the enemy country’s ability to continue a war.
Jeffrey Record had a straightforward caution for policymakers on dealing with historical analogies in dealing with current military threats, here using the Mother Of All Historical Analogies for American foreign policy wonks, the Munich Analogy. Here, Record uses the word “appeasement” in the 1930s sense of making concessions in a compromised. After the results of Munich, “appeasement” became in practice a synonym for cowardice and fecklessness in foreign policy:
The democracies' choices in the 1930s were severely constrained by war weariness, domestic politics, fiscal and economic considerations, perceptions of military inadequacy, and Hitler's effective strategic deception regarding Nazi Germany's intentions and capabilities.Notes:
Appeasement of attempted German revision of the Versailles Treaty made both moral and strategic sense because the treaty was unjust, strategically short-sighted, and unenforceable. And it was not politically possible for the democracies to forcibly oppose the reunification of the German nation within a single state. The victors of 1918 had violated Woodrow Wilson's sacred principle of self-determination by prohibiting union of Germany and Austria and by creating the polyglot state of Czechoslovakia with unhappy German majorities in that state's border areas with Germany. Appeasement became untenable the moment Hitler demanded, under the threat of force, the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia - which was not only a democratic state prepared to grant the Sudeten Germans considerable political autonomy but also a significant military counterweight to German territorial ambitions in eastern and southeastern Europe. Yet neither Britain nor France was in a political or military position to defend Czechoslovakia, although Chamberlain's threat of a general war deterred Hitler from seizing all of Czechoslovakia.
Security policy decisions are not made in a political and strategic vacuum; all are contextual and made by fallible human beings who can and do make mistaken judgments based on bad information, poor reasoning, ideological bias, disbelief, fear, overconfidence, stubbornness, and pride. Chamberlain clearly misjudged Hitler, but so did a lot of others, including conservative German nationalists who supported Hitler until his war-ensuring revolutionary intentions became apparent. [emphasis added]
(1) Prof Robert Pape: LAST WEEK TODAY - CHAOS IS COMING. Prof Robert Pape YouTube 10/17/2026. <https://youtu.be/n6DOoYayQNA?si=Mm7RHlZPf8lzaZHj> (Accessed: 2026-17-10).
(2) Record, Jeffrey (2005): Appeasement Reconsidered: Investigating the Mythology of the 1930s. US Army War College Press. <https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/736> (Accessed: 2026-17-10).
(3) Galbraith, John Kenneth (1977): The Age of Uncertainty: A History of Economic ideas and Their Consequences, 22, 137-138. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
(4) The Age of Uncertainty Episode 5 Lenin and The Great Ungluing. sveinbjornt YouTube channel 10/17/2011. <https://youtu.be/sxAoymq_SEA?si=5NXcezHvEnQULTsR> (Accessed: 2026-17-10).
(5) Record, Jeffrey (2007): The Specter of Munich: Reconsidering the Lessons of Appeasing Hitler, 116. Dulles VA: Potomac Books.



