One is from Ben Rhodes, who was a speechwriter in Obama’s 2008 campaign, a Deputy National Security Adviser in the Obama Administration, and the brother of David Rhodes, a former president of CBS News. He now co-chairs the National Security Action NGO with Jake Sullivan. (1)
He distinguishes three trends among what quickly became known during Trump 1.0 as Resistance Liberals, or even just the Resistance. He is not impressed by the impact of “Never Trumpers,” usually conservatives and even hardline conservatives, who at least had sense enough to see that Trump was a serious mess:
[A]lmost all this energy existed online or in cable news segments. There was no wave of Republicans away from Trump in the physical world. The attention generated could juice follower counts, sell books, and raise money, but it was inherently preaching to the hyper-political converted. Still, Democrats continued to celebrate Never Trumpers through 2024 – Liz Cheney was even enlisted as a leading surrogate for Kamala Harris – ignoring the fact that there was little evidence of a non-elite Never Trump coalition (and much evidence that people of all political persuasions weren’t nostalgic for the pre-Trump Republican Party). [emphasis added]Now during Trump 2.0, Trump’s approval among Republicans has sunk to what looks suspiciously like the lowest point imaginable that it can reach. (After all, some non-trivial part of the Republican Party are just plain authoritarians.)
Rhodes argues that criticisms of Trump that stayed stuck on high-minded criticisms of how he was eroding important norms – while not constantly reminding concrete examples of how that hurt normal people’s lives – to some extent “played into Trump’s narrative of a Deep State hellbent on sabotaging him.” Looking at Alex Vindman’s Senate primary race in Florida this year in which he outspent his opponent Angie Nixon by several times over, Rhodes observes, “Democratic Socialist Angie Nixon’s message was grittier, more in tune with the anger and hurt people are feeling at the community level with both Trump and a Democratic Party that failed them. She beat him by double digits.”
It would be difficult to argue with this conclusion of Rhodes’:
As painful as it has been to learn, … Trump wasn’t an aberration. At minimum, he’s symbiotic with what has happened to the Republican Party and American conservatism in the polarized age of social media and right-wing media. More alarmingly, he reflects deeply embedded aspects of the American psyche (xenophobia, anti-immigrant sentiment and racialized backlash; a cult of success and celebrity and an odd affinity for con men), a ferocious backlash to globalization and the elites who trumpeted it, and a uniquely stubborn brand of nationalist strongman politics that is ascendent around the globe.As appealing as Barack Obama’s message of no-red-America/no-blue-America sounded at the Democratic National Convention in 2004 may have sounded, the reality is that the Republican Party is now dominated by people who celebrate having masked, armed ICE agents prowling American cities looking for anyone who they think is Latino or Haitian – some of whom have been committing acts of state terror. When it comes to using our votes to defend democracy and the basic rule of law: today there unfortunately is a “red” American political party that supports ICE violence and levels of corruption in the federal government unparalleled in US history.
Meanwhile, everyone who is serious about defending the democratic system and having a government that is both decent and effective for ordinary people and not just for TechBro oligarchs, are on a very different side than the Trumpists. And those people really are a resistance to the Trumpists authoritarian project.
Noah Berlatsky also takes a look at the (lazy) media narrative of “Democrats in disarray” in a piece called “Democrats in array,” in which he focuses on how the party base and unsuccessful primary candidates pulled together in the post-primary period. (2)
Berlatsky doesn’t put much stock in the suggestion of New York Times reporter and commentator Michelle Cottle that Trump was able to come into power due to “the excesses of woke.” But if the virtues of Republican Asleepism are new epidemics of preventable diseases, tainted food, and even a military that can’t afford to pay its soldiers but keeps demanding more money for weapons manufacturers – it’s rather hard to see where there are huge constituencies for such things.
He also was not impressed with an argument in The Hill that “Democrats’ progressive surge could complicate [House Democratic Leader Hakeem] Jeffries’s path to unity.” This could be true – if the Democrats were to go back to a 1992-like concept of a Party “big tent” that would include hardline opponents of abortion rights but exclude anyone who thought that the wealthiest TechLords should pay something closer to a fair share of taxes.
The old Big Tent was happy to have a conservative like Joe Lieberman, even after he campaigned for Republican John McCain for President in 2008. (It was a historically strange and even sad moment when John Kerry after that election welcomed Lieberman back into the Democratic Caucus without even demanding he lose his seniority.) And that was decades after the time when the liberal/conservative ideological split in Congress crossed both parties. Today, the notion of a “liberal Republican” in the US seems like a completely oxymoron. Even Never Trumpers who would adore having Liz Cheney as President are leery about calling themselves something so leftie as “liberal Republican.”
In 2026 so far, we haven’t heard many progressive winners of Democratic primaries demanding the immediate nationalization of Amazon and Google. Although those polluting, energy-sucking AI data centers that drive up everyone’s heating and cooling bills don’t exactly seem to be as popular as championship football games or Taylor Swift.
Berlatsky is also singularly unimpressed with the Republican and press obsession with the Republicans “Hasan Piker” bogeyman. He also notes, “a conversation in which [Piker] argued that Zionist propaganda can increase antisemitism has been presented (duplicitously) as an antisemitic diatribe, though this is a point also made by many progressive Jews (including me).” He also notes of Michigan Democratic Senate candidate, Abdul El-Sayed, “A big part of the reason for El-Sayed’s lead is a factor that national media hardly ever mentions: [his Republican opponent] Mike Rogers is a Trump lackey who is very unpopular. A recent poll puts his favorability at 11 points underwater, while El-Sayed’s favorability is at plus 1.”
Centrists and pundits stuck in 40-year-old stereotypes and media clichés might want to take a moment to reflect on the fact that the Democratic Party that elected Jack Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson as Presidents included inveterate white racists like Strom Thurmond, George Wallace, and James Eastland. The splits in the Democratic Party in 2026 look like friendly tennis matches compared to those days. (Which does not mean that there are no real disagreements over serious matters.)
And for anyone who actually thinks currently nominated Democratic candidates like El-Sayed and Angie Nixon are some kind of left-of-center versions of the Thurmonds and Wallaces of not so long ago, there’s bad news for you: You’ve become a Trumpist Republican.
But the YouTube channel called “The Resistance” does produce some inspired protest songs! (The short intro in an imitation Merle Haggard voice is a nice touch.) (3)
This essay was first posted at the ProDA-Progressive Democrats Abroad Substack.
Notes:
(1) Rhodes, Ben (2026): Where the Resistance Went Wrong. Notes on the Stories We Tell 08/20/2026. <https://benrhodes1.substack.com/p/where-the-resistance-went-wrong> (Accessed: 2026-02-09).
(2) Berlatsky, Noah (2026): Democrats in array. Public Notice 09/01/2026. <https://www.publicnotice.co/p/democrats-in-array> (Accessed: 2026-01-09).
(3) Don’t You Wish He Was More Like Dolly? The Resistance YouTube channel 08/26/2026. <https://youtu.be/oI8j3xsmYJk?si=LkdrP4C232sUcrr8&t=212> (Accessed: 2026-01-09).



