Last September [2014], a few weeks before Ukraine's general election, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, then as now prime minister, issued a pamphlet listing his aims. One was stark: "To get through the winter." Given that rebel soldiers in the eastern part of the country paint "To Kiev!" on their tanks, that Ukraine relies on Russia for much of its energy, and that its economy is in dire straits, it is nonetheless safe to say that he has succeeded. The rebels, despite inflicting two major recent defeats on the government forces, have not advanced significantly. Winter power cuts in regions unaffected by the war were short and survivable. Also, while the current cease-fire, agreed to on February 12, is not expected to last, Ukraine and its government have not collapsed, nor do they show any signs of being on the brink of doing so, as some of the Russian media keep saying hopefully. (1)Suspicions that Moscow has in mind taking over the capital. Ukraine is economically weak. The pro-Moscow rebel advance is going very slowly, though their patron country Russia has a much bigger economy and military than Ukraine. The Ukrainians are bearing up under war-related hardships. The Russian media are exaggerating the progress of their partisans.
That part of the story sounds very familiar here in 2026, over a decade later.
A map accompanying the article shows Crimea marked to show that Russia had occupied and formally annexed, with the pro-Russian rebels controlling significant parts of the oblasts (provinces) of Donetsk and Luhansk. Since the war expanded with the overt Russian invasion of February 2022, Russia currently holds around 20% of Ukrainian territory, including large parts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson.
Russia still claims Crimea as part of its own territory, although Ukraine has been very successful in drastically limiting the usefulness of the Russian Black Sea fleet that has based out of Crimea. They have also done some serious damage to oil refineries in Crimea, which is strategically significant in damaging Russia’s wartimes economy. Whether physically reoccupying Crimea would be a meaningful strategic top priority at the moment is another question. But Ukraine after more four years of an active Russian invasion still maintains control of the “fortress belt” in Donetsk (2), which is a major strategic defensive priority for them. Which is a sign of determination on both sides of the war of attrition.
As of Tim Judah’s 2015 report, Russia was pursuing a less aggressive advance than they adopted in 2022, seven years later:
On January 24 a salvo of missiles lasting less than a minute hit Mariupol, killing thirty. Then nothing happened. In theory the rebel forces could isolate and surround the city if they moved westward to link up to Russian soldiers moving out from Crimea; but this would leave the rebels and the Russians with lang supply lines and lang lines to defend. None of this is impossible, but it would be very difficult and for Putin a huge gamble. If they have not done it until now, then maybe they will never do it.Whether legal or not, whether NATO countries accepted it or not, there is every reason to believe that their aim at that point to ensure that Ukraine did not become a NATO member state. NATO in 2008 had recklessly declared that both Ukraine and Georgia would eventually become members of NATO, even though neither at the time were even close to meeting the criteria for NATO membership. Russia staged a military conflict in Georgia in 2008, which left them in control of part of what Georgia rightly claimed as its sovereign territory. The Russian occupation of Crimea in 2014 and its illegal annexation as part of Russia, also put Russia in control of an important piece of Ukrainian territory, too. That in itself complicated any prospect of Ukraine becoming a NATO member, since it was not in de facto control of all of its territory.
There were other options available to Washington and to Moscow on how to proceed from there. The US could have recognized that Russia for the immediate future would not allow Ukraine to join NATO. Russia could have undertaken intensified preparations for a military conflict without annexing Crimea. That could have also made a reasonable call after they had annexed the peninsula that Russian control of Ukraine would limit indefinitely Ukraine’s ability to join NATO and foregone the at-first informal and later-official declaration that they considered parts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson to be Russian territory.
Judah reported in 2015, “In Kiev, the mood is gloomy. Most people realize that they are in for a long conflict.” Sadly, we can still say that today. He continued, “Mykola Kapitonenko, an adviser to parliament's foreign affairs committee, said that suing for peace now would be tantamount to accepting a deal ‘in which Putin is offering, 'I stop the war and you come under my control’."
The most likely prospect here in 2026 looks very similar: an eventual armistice of some kind in which the lines of the current war of attrition are frozen in place. The formal resolution of the borders would then be punted to some unspecified future time. The Korean Peninsula is a reminder of how long such lines of demarcation can endure. But how long it will take for both sides in the current war to reach such a conclusion would be very hard to estimate at the current moment.
And this observation from Judah’s piece is a sobering reminder:
So Ukraine is in a race against time. If Putin's goal is simply to destabilize the country, rather than actually take more territory from it, then its angry people [i.e., keeping Ukrainian unhappy] suit his aim. His problem is that the longer the war drags on, the worse it is for Russia's economy and future too. Will he react by discreetly moving to help the rebels even more or by moving to delicately extricate Russia from the conflict? Only zealots who see Putin as some sort of messiah still believe that he is not fueling it. For the rebels themselves and their supporters, the reality is that militarily the campaign has stalled, at least for now.(Also, how many Russians ever actually saw Vladimir Putin “as some sort of messiah”?)
That reminder of how both Ukrainian and Russian public morale had been holding up during the year after Russia’s seizure of Crimea is a caution about whether “morale bombing” on both sides is likely to bring any sudden resolution of the conflict here over 10 years later.
It’s worth noting that the philanthropist and democracy advocate George Soros (a major bogeyman for the far right) wrote about optimistically about sanctions, also in 2015:
The sanctions imposed on Russia by the US and Europe for its interventions in Ukraine have worked much faster and inflicted much more damage on the Russian economy than anybody could have expected. The sanctions sought to deny Russian banks and companies access to the international capital markets. The increased damage is largely due to a sharp decline in the price of oil, without which the sanctions would have been much less effective. Russia needs oil prices to be around $100 a barrel in order to balance its budget. (It is now around $55 a barrel.) The combination of lower oil prices and sanctions has pushed Russia into a financial crisis that is by some measures already comparable to the one in 1998. [my emphasis] (3)That’s an important reminder that sanctions can cause real pain for the sanctioned country. But when the sanctioned parties see a particular conflict (rightly or wrongly) as critical to their national security and even their survival, sanctions often prove disappointing in the effects on the countries being targeted.
In the prolonged stalemate, the Russia-Ukraine War is starting to look like an excerpt from the 1993 film Groundhog Day, in which the same day keeps replaying itself over and over and over.
This is a worthwhile discussion of the war with the economist and former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis and a leading economic journalist, Wolfgang Münchau who was also a co-editor of the Financial Times Deutschland. Varoufakis brings up the Turkish attack on Cyprus in 1974 and the prolonged frozen conflict that followed as a relevant example to help understand the current situation in Ukraine. (4)
Varoufakis has been keeping an eye on the European trends with military industries in the current international situation which is creating strong pressures for European rearmament. We need to be hearing commentaries along this line. It’s another case that multiple things can be true at the same time. In this case, it can be true that Europeans have a realistic need to restructure and their militaries due to the distancing of the US from NATO; and that it will doing so will be expensive; and that shifting money from domestic programs could free up funding for more military spending; and that doing the latter instead of raising income and wealth taxes on billionaires is a really bad idea.
The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) posts weekly updates on the battlefield situation. Here are their eight relatively granular “key takeaways” for Saturday, July 11. (5)
- The recent, intensified Ukrainian strikes against Russian seaborne gasoline tankers in the Sea of Azov have reportedly forced Russia to close some maritime routes.
- Starboard Maritime Intelligence data indicates a possible 55 percent decline in vessels with active automatic identification system (AIS) transponders in the Sea of Azov between June 30 and July 11.
- Intensified Ukrainian strikes against seaborne vessels may have prompted Russian vessels to alter their behavior in the Sea of Azov in any of several ways consistent with the Starboard data and AIS signal anomalies.
- Russian consumer gasoline prices are skyrocketing amid Ukraine’s intensifying long-range strike campaign against Russian oil refineries and gasoline producers.
- Russia appears to have been engaged in a hacking operation that targeted civilian cameras across NATO countries and in Ukraine.
- Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky authorized the creation of two new commands within the Ukrainian Armed Forces on July 10.
- Russian forces launched six Iskander-M and S-400 ballistic missiles, four Kh-59/69 guided cruise missiles, two Kh-31 anti-radar missiles, and 121 drones against Ukraine overnight.
- Russian forces recently advanced in the Kostyantynivka-Druzhkivka tactical area, and Ukrainian forces recently advanced in the Novopavlivka direction. [my emphasis]
Their eighth point doesn’t try to flag the Russian and Ukrainian advances as game changing observations. But it is consistent with the Groundhog Day nature of the war of attrition right now: small advances and retreats by both countries with heavy casualties.
ISW’s more expanded explanation of Point 5 about the hacking tells us the following:
The Telegraph reported on July 10, citing the Dutch General Intelligence and Security Service (AIVD) and Military Intelligence and Security Service (MIVD) that Kremlin-based hackers have been spying on NATO military bases in Europe by hacking into civilian cameras pointing at military equipment transportation routes to identify the types of weapons Ukraine received. The Dutch intelligence services reported that the Russian operation targeted European NATO members states, including the Netherlands, and Ukraine. The Telegraph speculated that hackers likely accessed civilian doorbell systems to monitor weapons transportation routes.That all sounds plausible to me. But there is no indication how different that situation on July 11 may have been from what NATO and Russia are doing all the time. Of course, intelligence agencies try to hack each other. And sometimes the hacks may be very significant. But without more detail or collaborating reports, it’s hard to tell how serious they are.
Notes:
(1) Judah, Tim (2015): Ukraine: Inside the Deadlock, 18-20. New York Review of Books 05/07/2015.
(2) Beaumont, Peter et. al. (2026): Kill zones and drone nets: a journey through Ukraine’s fortress belt. Guardian 07/03/2026. <https://www.theguardian.com/world/ng-interactive/2026/jul/03/kill-zones-drone-nets-journey-ukraine-fortress-belt> (Accessed: 2026-11-07).
(3) Soros, George (2015): A New Policy to Rescue Ukraine, 22-24. New York Review of Books 02/05/2015.
(4) The Ukraine comeback isn't what they're telling you. Econoclasts and UnHerd YouTube channel 07/10/2026. <https://youtu.be/BTix_mCIiWg?si=tGu5AfsYrgBtpdj_> (Accessed: 2026-11-07).
(5) Key Takeaways. Institute for the Study of War 07/11/2026. <https://understandingwar.org/research/russia-ukraine/russian-offensive-campaign-assessment-july-11-2026/> (Accessed: 2026-12-07).










